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As thousands of worshippers gathered in Nakuru today for the start of this year’s Menengai crusade, a familiar pattern once again played out. Roads filled with pilgrims, hotels reported full bookings and Menengai Grounds became the focal point of national religious attention.
For many Kenyans, the spectacle raised a recurring question that has followed Prophet Dr. David Owuor for years: why does he repeatedly choose Nakuru, and not other regions, for his biggest and most consequential meetings?
The answer lies not only in logistics or tradition, but in the origins of his ministry, the structure of the Menengai crusades and the way religious authority, miracle claims and public influence have been built around this city.
Unlike many high-profile preachers whose ministries emerged from major urban centres, Prophet Owuor’s public ministry began in Nakuru.
According to ministry records and accounts from early followers, his first organised repentance meetings were held in the town, long before his name became nationally recognised. These early gatherings formed the foundation of what later became the Repentance and Holiness Ministry.
Nakuru therefore occupies a foundational position in the ministry’s narrative. It is presented not merely as a venue, but as the city where the calling was first expressed publicly and tested among local audiences. Each return to Nakuru reinforces this origin story and links current crusades to the ministry’s beginnings.
Prophet Owuor’s background further adds to the intrigue. Before entering ministry, he pursued an academic career in the sciences and worked in the United States.
He has repeatedly spoken about holding advanced scientific qualifications and participating in research work before experiencing what he describes as a divine calling that redirected his life toward full-time ministry.
When he returned to Kenya, his preaching style differed sharply from mainstream evangelical trends. He avoided prosperity theology and instead adopted a confrontational prophetic tone centred on repentance, holiness and divine judgment.
Nakuru became the proving ground for this message. Early meetings there attracted growing crowds, and it was in this city that his strict organisational structure and disciplined following took shape.
As attendance grew, Menengai Grounds emerged as the natural venue for mass gatherings. Over time, the meetings evolved into what is now known as the Menengai revival series.
Each major crusade is numbered sequentially, with this year’s gathering branded Menengai 8. The numbering does not signify a location or spiritual hierarchy but marks continuity in a long-running series of revival meetings anchored in the same place.
The decision to keep returning to Menengai Grounds is strategic. The open space accommodates massive crowds that would be difficult to manage elsewhere, while Nakuru’s central location allows easier access for pilgrims travelling from different regions of Kenya and neighbouring countries.
Years of repeated events have also created familiarity between organisers, local authorities and service providers, reducing uncertainty and resistance.
However, the Menengai crusades are not defined by logistics alone. At the centre of each gathering are claims of miraculous healings, which remain both the ministry’s strongest attraction and its most controversial feature.
During these meetings, individuals publicly testify to alleged healings from paralysis, deafness, blindness and other serious conditions. Crutches and wheelchairs are displayed as symbols of recovery, and the testimonies are broadcast widely through ministry channels and social media.
Supporters view these moments as evidence of divine power and a confirmation of Prophet Owuor’s calling. Critics, including some religious scholars and medical professionals, point out that the claims are largely testimonial and lack independent medical verification. This unresolved tension between faith and evidence has fuelled ongoing public debate.
This year’s crusade, which began today, has again drawn thousands into Nakuru, reinforcing the city’s role as the ministry’s primary stage. The ministry refers to the Menengai meetings as “missionary” crusades, a term that carries both theological and strategic meaning.
Internally, the label is used to distinguish the gatherings from commercial religious events, emphasising that they are presented as evangelistic missions rather than fundraising exercises.
The meetings are also described as missionary because they attract participants from across Kenya and beyond, effectively turning Nakuru into a temporary mission hub.
Through live broadcasts and international church networks, the message delivered at Menengai is projected far beyond the city, reinforcing Nakuru’s status as the launch point of a global outreach.
Yet the repeated choice of Nakuru has also raised questions. Critics argue that anchoring the ministry so heavily to one location concentrates influence and reinforces a personality-driven religious culture.
Supporters counter that returning to the city where the ministry began demonstrates consistency and faithfulness to its original calling.
What is undeniable is that Nakuru and Prophet Owuor’s ministry have become deeply intertwined. Nakuru is the city where his ministry started, where its structure was formed and where its most dramatic moments continue to unfold.
Each Menengai crusade strengthens that bond, ensuring that Nakuru remains central to both the influence and the controversy surrounding one of Kenya’s most polarising religious figures.
As the current crusade continues, Nakuru once again stands at the crossroads of faith, public scrutiny and national attention, raising questions that extend far beyond Menengai Grounds and into the broader conversation about religion, power and belief in contemporary Kenya.
With a knack for captivating storytelling, Amos Lumbasi has a talent for crafting narratives that resonate with readers. He combines meticulous research with a captivating writing style to create articles that are both informative and enjoyable to read.
